Saturday, August 1, 2015

CAUSES OF CROSS-BORDER TERRORISM

CAUSES OF CROSS-BORDER TERRORISM

The strategy of using terror as a tool of achieving political goal is called terrorism.There are five important causes of cross-border or trans-national terrorism in sociological analysis.These are given below-      
  1.The revolution of rising expectations that creates a ground of relative deprivation,disenchantment and alienation from the organised state which tends to create a fertile ground for terrorism to operate   2.Ideology,especially extremist religious ideology,as the driving force for armed violence                   3.Phenomenal spread and diffusion of small arms, light weapons which has made lethal weaponry more easily accessible for armed violence                                                                                                 4.Transmutation of conflict which has transformed classical concept of regular war(state-to-state) as an instrument of policy to use armed violence and irregular war as continuation of politics by other means                                                                                                                                                          5.Doctrines that legitimize targeting civil population with violence as a means to achieve political and military objective

Saturday, January 3, 2015

INCREASING PACE OF FARMERS' SUICIDE IN INDIA

INCREASING PACE OF FARMERS' SUICIDE IN INDIA

India is an agrarian country with around 60% of its people depending directly or indirectly upon agriculture. Farmer suicides account for 11.2% of all suicides in India. Activists and scholars have offered a number of conflicting reasons for farmer suicides, such as monsoon failure, high debt burdens, genetically modified crops, government policies, public mental health, personal issues and family problems

Reasons

Reasons for farm suicides.
(in 2002)
Percent
(of suicides)
Habits like drinking, gambling, etc.20.35
Failure of crops16.81
Other reasons (e.g. chit fund)15.04
Family problems with spouse, others13.27
Chronic illness9.73
Marriage of daughters5.31
Political affiliation4.42
Property disputes2.65
Debt burden2.65
Price crash2.65
Borrowing too much (e.g. for house construction)2.65
Losses in non-farm activities1.77
Failure of bore well0.88
Note: "Reasons were given by close relatives and friends.
There are multiple reasons for suicides.
Not even one case was given only one reason."[22]
Various reasons have been offered to explain why farmers commit suicide in India, including: drought, debt, use of genetically modified seed, public health and government economic policies. There is no consensus on what the main causes might be but studies show suicide victims are motivated by more than one cause, on average three or more causes for committing suicide. Panagariya states, "farm-related reasons get cited only approximately 25 percent of the time as reasons for suicide", and, "studies do consistently show greater debt burden and greater reliance on informal sources of credit" amongst farmers who commit suicide.
A study conducted in 2014 found that there are three specific characteristics associated with high risk farmers: "those that grow cash crops such as coffee and cotton; those with ‘marginal’ farms of less than one hectare; and those with debts of 300 Rupees or more." The study also found that the Indian states in which these three characteristics are most common had the highest suicide rates and also accounted for "almost 75% of the variability in state-level suicides." 
A 2012 study did a regional survey on farmers suicide in rural Vidarbha (Maharashtra) and applied a Smith's Saliency method to qualitatively rank the expressed causes among farming families who had lost someone to suicide. The expressed reasons in order of importance behind farmer suicides were – debt, alcohol addiction, environment, low produce prices, stress and family responsibilities, apathy, poor irrigation, increased cost of cultivation, private money lenders, use of chemical fertilizers and crop failure. In other words debt to stress and family responsibilities were rated as significantly higher than fertilizers and crop failure. In a different study in the same region in 2006, indebtedness (87%) and deterioration in the economic status (74%) were found to be major risk factors for suicide.
Studies dated 2004 through 2006 identified several causes for farmers suicide, such as insufficient or risky credit systems, the difficulty of farming semi-arid regions, poor agricultural income, absence of alternative income opportunities, a downturn in the urban economy which forced non-farmers into farming, and the absence of suitable counselling services. In 2004, in response to a request from the All India Biodynamic and Organic Farming Association, the Mumbai High Court required the Tata Institute to produce a report on farmer suicides in Maharashtra, and the institute submitted its report in March 2005.The survey cited "government apathy, the absence of a safety net for farmers, and lack of access to information related to agriculture as the chief causes for the desperate condition of farmers in the state"
An Indian study conducted in 2002 indicated an association between victims engaging in entrepreneurial activities (such as venturing into new crops, cash crops, and following market trends) and their failure in meeting expected goals due a range of constraints.

Drought

As much as 80% of India's farmland relies on flooding during monsoon season, so inadequate rainfall can cause droughts, making crop failure more common. In regions that have experienced droughts, crop yields have declined, and food for cattle has become scarcer. Agricultural regions that have been affected by droughts have subsequently seen their suicide rates increase.

New Economic Policy

Left leaning economists like Utsa Patnaik, Jayati Ghosh and Prabhat Patnaik suggest that structural changes in the macro-economic policy of Indian Government that favoured privatisation, liberalisation and globalisation is the root cause of farmer suicides. Others dispute such views.

GM crops

A number of social activist groups and studies proposed a link between GM crops and farmer suicides. Bt cotton (Bacillus thuringiensis cotton) was claimed to be responsible for farmer suicides. The Bt cotton seeds cost nearly twice as much as ordinary ones. The higher costs forced many farmers into taking ever larger loans, often from private moneylenders charging exorbitant interest rates (60% a year). The moneylender was claimed to collect his dues at harvest time, by compelling farmers to sell their cotton to him at a price lower than it fetches on the market. According to activists, this created a source of debt and economic stress, ultimately suicides, among farmers. critics claim that this Bt cotton theory made certain assumptions and ignored field reality.
In 2011, a review of the evidence regarding the relationship between Bt cotton and farmers' suicides in India was published in the Journal of Development Studies, also by researchers from IFPRI, which found that "Available data show no evidence of a 'resurgence' of farmer suicides. Moreover, Bt cotton technology has been very effective overall in India." Matin Qaim finds that Bt cotton is controversial in India, irrespective of the scholarly evidence. Anti-biotech activist groups in India repeat their claim that there is evidence of link between Bt cotton and farmers suicides, a claim that is perpetuated by mass media. This linking of farmers suicide and biotech industry has led to negative opinions in public policy making process.In 2008, a report published by the International Food Policy Research Institute, an agriculture policy think tankbased in Washington DC, noted that there was an absence of data relating to "numbers on the actual share of farmers committing suicide who cultivated cotton, let alone Bt cotton." In order to evaluate the "possible (and hypothetical)" existence of a connection the study employed a "second-best" assessment of evidence relating to farmer suicides firstly, and to the effects of Bt cotton secondly. The analysis revealed that there was no "clear general relationship between Bt cotton and farmer suicides" but also stated that it could not reject the "potential role of Bt cotton varieties in the observed discrete increase in farmer suicides in certain states and years, especially during the peak of 2004 in Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra." The report also noted that farmer suicides predate the official commercial introduction of Bt cotton by Monsanto Mahyco in 2002 (and its unofficial introduction by Navbharat Seeds in 2001) and that such suicides were a fairly constant portion of the overall national suicide rate since 1997.The report noted that while Bt cotton may have been a factor in specific suicides, the contribution was likely marginal compared to socio-economic factors. Elsewhere, Gruere et al. discuss the introduction and increase in use of Bt cotton in the state of Madhya Pradesh since 2002, and the observed drop in total suicides among that state's farmers in 2006. They then question whether the impact of the increase in use of Bt cotton on farmers suicide in Madhya Pradesh has been to improve or worsen the situation.
Stone suggests that the arrival and expansion of GM cotton led to a campaign of misinformation, by all sides, exacerbating the farmer's situation; activists have fuelled the persistence of a legend of failure and rejection of Bt cotton with sensational claims of livestock death and farmer suicide, while the other side has been incorrectly pronouncing Bt cotton a major success based on literature that is actually inconclusive. The cotton cash crop farmer's situation is complex and continues to evolve, suggests Stone.Gilbert, in a 2013 article published in Nature, states, "contrary to popular myth, the introduction in 2002 of genetically modified Bt cotton is not associated with a rise in suicide rates among Indian farmers".
In another 2014 review, Ian Plewis states, "the available data does not support the view that farmer suicides have increased following the introduction of Bt cotton. Taking all states together, there is evidence to support the hypothesis that the reverse is true: male farmer suicide rates have actually declined after 2005 having been increasing before then".

Suicide ideation

Patel et al. find that southern Indian states have ten times higher rates of suicides than some northern states. This difference, they claim, is not because of mis-classification of a person's death, for example as homicide, but because of regional causes. The most common cause for suicide in India's south are a combination of social issues, such as interpersonal and family problems, financial difficulties, and pre-existing mental illness. Suicidal ideation is as culturally accepted in south India as in some high-income countries. The high suicide rates in southern states of India may be, suggest Patel et al., in part because of social acceptance of suicide as a method to deal with difficulties.

State government field surveys

The Government of Maharashtra, concerned about the highest total number of farmer suicides among its rural populations, commissioned its own study into reasons. At its behest, Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research in Mumbai did field research and found the top causes of farmers suicides to be: debt, low income and crop failure, family issues such as illness and inability to pay celebration expenses for daughter's marriage, lack of secondary income occupations and lack of value-added opportunities.

Statistics


In 2011, a total of 135,585 people committed suicide, of which 14,207 were farmers.
 In 2010, 15,963 farmers in India committed suicide, while total suicides were 134,599.The National Crime Records Bureau of India reported in its 2012 annual report that 135,445 people committed suicide in India, of which 13,754 were farmers (11.2%). Of these, 5 out of 29 states accounted for 10,486 farmers suicides (76%) – Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Kerala.
In 2012, the state of Maharashtra, with 3,786 farmers' suicides, accounted for about a quarter of the all India's farmer suicides total (13,754).
Farmer suicides rates in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh – two large states of India by size and population – have been about 10 times lower than Maharashtra, Kerala and Pondicherry. In 2012, there were 745 farmer suicides in Uttar Pradesh, a state with an estimated population of 205.43 million.
According to IFFRI study number of suicides during 2005–2009 in Gujarat 387, Kerala 905, Punjab 75 andTamil Nadu 26.While 1802 farmers committed suicide in Chhattisgarh in 2009 and 1126 in 2010, its farmers suicide dropped to zero in 2011, leading to accusations of data manipulation.
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Friday, December 19, 2014

SOCIOLOGY-2014-UPSC-MAIN-EXAM


SOCIOLOGY-2014-UPSC-MAIN-EXAM

Instructions for UPSC Mains Sociology Paper

  • For each paper: Time Allowed : Three Hours Maximum Marks : 250
  • There are EIGHT questions divided in two Sections and printed both in HINDI and in ENGLISH.
  • Candidate has to attempt FIVE questions in all.
  • Question Nos. 1 and 5 are compulsory and out of the remaining, THREE are to be attempted choosing at least ONE question from each Section.
  • The number of marks carried by a question/part is indicated against it.
  • Answers must be written in the medium authorized in the Admission Certificate which must be stated clearly on the cover of this Question-cum-Answer (QCA) Booklet in the space provided. No marks will be given for answers written in medium other than the authorized one.
  • Word limit in questions, wherever specified, should be adhered to.
  • Attempts of questions shall be counted in chronological order. Unless struck off, attempt of a question shall be counted even if attempted partly. Any page or portion of the page left blank in the Question-cum-Answer Booklet must be clearly struck off.

Sociology Optional Paper 1: SECTION-A

Q1. Write short answer of the following in about 150 words each: 10×5=50           
  1. How is objectivity different from value neutrality? Discuss with reference to Weber’s views on methodology.
  2. How did the emergence of industrial society change the family life in Western Europe?
  3. How is sociological approach to human actions different from that of psychological approach?
  4. In what way biographies could be used to study social life?
  5. How can we use reference group theory to understand fashion in society?
Q2.Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. Which research technique would be most suitable for the study of consumer behaviour and its social correlates? Explain.20 marks
  2. Identify the similarities and differences between Marx’s theory of ‘alienation’ and Durkheim’s theory of ‘anomie’.20 marks
  3. How could one use Merton’s concept of deviance to understand the traffic problem in urban India?10 marks
Q3. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. What do you understand by gender? How does it shape ‘male ‘identity?20 marks
  2. “According to Max Weber, ‘class’ and ‘status’ are two different dimensions of power.” Discuss.20 marks
  3. Using Merton’s concepts of ‘manifest’ and ‘latent’ functions, explain the persistence of corruption in Indian society.10 marks
Q4. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. How does Weber use the notion of ‘ideal types’ in his theory of bureaucracy?20 marks
  2. In what way ‘interpretative’ method is different from ‘positivist’ approach in the study of social phenomena?20 marks
  3. Using Mead’s theory of symbolic interactionism, discuss the stages in the formation of gender identity.10 marks

Sociology Optional Paper 1: SECTION-B

Q5. Answer the following questions in about 150 words each: 10×5=50
  1. For Marx, class divisions are outcomes of ‘exploitation’. Discuss.
  2. What are the distinctive features of social organization of work in slave society? How is it different from feudal society?
  3. Discuss T. H. Marshall’s views on citizenship.
  4. Distinguish between Political Parties and Pressure
  5. “According to Durkheim, the essence of religion in modern society is the same as religion in primitive society.” Comment.
Q6. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. “Power is not a zero-sum game”. Discuss with reference to Weber’s and Parsons’s views.20 marks
  2. Critically examine the functionalist views on the institution of family. How do those help us in understanding family in the present times?20 marks
  3. What do you understand by institutionalization of ‘live-in-relationship?10 marks
Q7. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. How is religious revivalism different from communalism? Elaborate with suitable examples from the Indian context.20 marks
  2. Education is often viewed as an agency of social change. However in reality it could also reinforce inequalities and conservatism. Discuss.20 marks
  3. According to Marx, capitalism transforms even the personal relationships between men and women. Critically examine with illustrations from the contemporary Indian context.10 marks
Q8. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. How is the increasing use of technology changing the status of women in Indian society?20 marks
  2. Write a short essay on the Latin American perspective on ‘dependency’.20 marks
  3. What do you understand by social movement? How has the mobilization by Scheduled Castes helped them in constructing a new identity?10 marks

Sociology Optional Paper 2: SECTION-A

Q1.Write short notes with a sociological perspective on the following in about 150 words each: 10×5=50
  1. Gandhi’s efforts on communal harmony
  2. Modernisation of Indian traditions
  3. Types of kinship systems in India
  4. Features of caste system
  5. G.S. Ghurye’s Indological approach to understand society in India
Q2. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. Analyse the different views on integration and autonomy of tribes in India.20 marks
  2. Discuss the social background of Indian nationalism.20 marks
  3. Define Patriarchy. How does it impact the overall entitlement of a girl child in India ?10 marks
Q3. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. Give a sociological analysis of the problems of migrant urban poor.20 marks
  2. Discuss the problems of religious minorities in India.20 marks
  3. Write some of the important social reforms in India for the removal of untouchability.10 marks
Q4. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. Discuss the status of women among the emerging urban middle class.20 marks
  2. Describe the impact of land reforms on the peasants of Indian society.20 marks
  3. What is the idea of ‘Indian village’? Explain.10 marks

Sociology Optional Paper 2: SECTION-B

Q5. Write short notes with a sociological Perspective on the following in about 150 words each: 10×5=50
  1. Trends of Infant Mortality Rate among females10 marks
  2. Domestic Violence Act, 2005
  3. Dynamics of Contemporary Dalit movements
  4. Impact of privatisation on educational disparities
  5. Rural landless labourers and development induced displacement
Q6. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. What are the main features of the second wave of Women’s movement in the Indian context ?20 marks
  2. Discuss the ‘Chipko movement’ as an example of eco-feminism.20 marks
  3. Discuss the impact of globalisation on the workers in the Informal sector.10 marks
Q7. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. What are the demographic projections for the ageing population (60+) for the next decade? What are the implications for formulating policy for them ?20 marks
  2. What are the possible underlying causes of the spurt of increased violence against women in public spaces in the last decade ?20 marks
  3. How do caste and class come together in creating the category of extreme poor ?10 marks
Q8. Answer the following: (20+20+10 marks)
  1. Many caste conflicts are between castes which are close to each other on the hierarchical scale.’ Give a sociological explanation for this phenomenon.20 marks
  2. Tribal conflicts based on ethnic differences often camouflage a struggle for political and economic advantage.’ Substantiate with examples.20 marks
  3. Who are the elites? Discuss their roles in bringing social transformation.10 mark
    s

Tuesday, December 16, 2014

DECLINING SEX-RATIO IN PUNJAB AND HARYANA

DECLINING SEX-RATIO IN PUNJAB AND HARYANA       

 MALE CHILD IS THE DETERMINING FORCE FOR FEMALE FOETICIDE AND
             INFANTICIDE

• Male child is an old age insurance
• Male child brings social status

GIRL CHILD IS AN INCREASING LIABILITY

• Perceived as the “other”, over which parents have no claims.
• Dowry exchange is crucial in preventing the birth of a girl child.
• Penetration of the market has appropriated male child preference to promote
consumption patterns through large scale celebrations of birth, lohri, mundal,
namkaran etc.
• Celebrating rituals associated with the birth of a male child and his
life stages are becoming status symbols.
• Technology is differentially utilised to practise male child preference.
• Revivalism of the fundamentalist movement and identity assertions
• Women perceived as the group’s honour
• Imposing codes of conduct
• Restrict mobility
• Norms of seclusion.
• Small family norm has displaced the girl child
• Segmented initiatives to promote women’s development have marginalised
the girl child
• Property laws in peasant patrilocal society have resulted in increased
dowry and resentment towards the girl child
• Shagun scheme at the level of norm has endorsed the view that the
girl child is a liability therefore provided compensation for by
government.

INTERVENTION STRATEGY

Any strategy to combat female foeticide and infanticide needs to address all factors that
determined male child preference and those that enhance the worth of the male child.
The core elements of patriarchy (gender typed roles, male descendancy and
inheritance, defining the male as the earner and protector, the vanguard of family
lineage and inheritor of resources and property) ensure the male child to be the
preferred sex at birth. The initiation into each life stage revolves around these
prototypes and reinforce them. This differentiation between male and female continues
around the life cycle initiated by different institutions and practices at different junctures.
Thus the coming of age of both male and female adolescents charter their
respective responsibilities and functions in accordance with their gender placement.
Female mobility gets restricted, dress and conduct codes and imposed, as is earnest
harnessing of capacities to be dictated towards being a home-maker,pro-creator and
nurturer. The male, on the other hand, is encouraged to acquire productive income
earning skills. The institution of marriage and death-related practices form part of the
gender determined constructs with unfolding of each life stage the hegemony of the male
is dictated. Therefore, intervention cannot be restricted to birth, pre-birth or post-birth
activities that discriminate between the male and the female. It is the entire life cycle and
associated institutions (gender structures that attach a high value to the male child and
lower the worth of the girl child), practice through differentiating roles have to be
undermined. In other words, the male child preference does manifest starkly in the
preferred birth of a male child, but the hegemonic importance of the male is instated at
every juncture of life with different social mechanisms and processes supporting the
difference. It has also been found that while patriarchy does ensure the importance of the
male child with the male being the preferred child at birth, intervening external factors
interlink with patriarchy to ensure that the girl child is received as a burden and the
importance of the male child is enhanced. The penetration of the market has ensured that
celebration for the birth of a male child, dowry exchange and associated marriage
ceremonies have acquired the dimensions of status symbols.
Market forces have thus transformed normative rituals, practices or customs into an
entity, valued for their material and resource worth. For instance, celebrations at the
time of the birth of a male child are seen as a status symbol enhancing social worth of
the family in terms of popularity, goodwill, in providing an occasion to display its
opulence. The politics of fundamentalist extremism and identity assertion have glorified
the female as the family’s honour posing bodily restrictions in terms of appearance,
codes of conduct and mobility. The added burden of visible control over female
sexuality and reproduction has reinforced the sense of liability of a female while also
targeting her for avenging honour. These fundamentalist assertions continue to fuel the
culture of violence in Punjab which promotes violence as a method of conflict
resolution. This regenerates violent masculinities be it for martyrdom or for heroism.
Shedding blood for one’s land or women has a mandate, increasing the value of
protection – male to provide the protection over female. The culture of violence may
perhaps even be providing acceptability to acts of violence including female foeticide and
infanticide.
Simultaneously, the adoption of the small family norm has displaced the girl child in this
milieu of increasing importance of the male child. Other development initiatives such as
property laws in the peasant patriarchal society and subsequent increase in dowry has also
impacted towards the negative worth of the girl child. Implementation of schemes to provide
positive discrimination to the female and the girl child, such as favourable labour laws have
ousted women from the formal sector. The Shagan scheme which at the level of norm has
endorse the view that the girl child is a liability and, therefore, the provision of
compensation. These initiatives could be effective measures to check the discrepant male
female worth only when these are contextualised in a gender sensitive environment. In
other words, simultaneous efforts at the level of practice, norms and values have to address
the practice of differentiation between the male and the female.
 

Thursday, October 16, 2014

NATIONAL POPULATION POLICY


NATIONAL POPULATION POLICY
In 1952, India was the first country in the world to launch a National Programme, emphasizing family planning. In 1966, several important developments concerning the family planning programme took place.
Population Policy
Image Curtsey: b.3cdn.net/glaser/0c89cbf87c78a94cd6_mlbrgz2zv.jpg
A full fledged Department of Family Planning was established within the Ministry of Health, which was designated as the ministry of Health and Family Planning, and a Minister of the cabinet rank was placed in its charge. A cabinet committee of Family Planning, initially headed by the Prime Minister and later by the Finance Minister, was constituted at the central level.
In 1976, during emergency, the Government of India announced National Population Policy. Through this:
i. The Government proposed legislation to raise the age of marriage to 18 for girls and 21 for boys;
ii. The Government would take special measures to raise the level of female education in the states;
iii. As the acceptance of Family Planning by the poorer sections of society was significantly related to the use of monetary compensation as from May 1, 1976, to Rs. 150 for sterilization (by men or women) if performed with 2 children, Rs. 100 if performed with three living children and Rs. 70 if performed with four or more children.
The announcement of the National Population Policy 2000, by the NDA government in February 2000 and setting up of a National Population Commission, under the strong and promising leadership of then Prime Minister Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee and comprising eminent persons from all walks of life on May 11, 2000 reflected the deep commitment of the government to population stabilization programme.
The National Population Policy 2000 (NPP 2000), affirms the commitment of the government towards voluntary and informed choice and consent of citizens while availing of productive health care services, and continuation of the target free approach in administering family planning services.
The NPP 2000 provides a policy frame work for advancing goals and prioritizing strategies during the next decade, to meet the reproductive and child health needs of the people of India, and to achieve net replacement levels (TFR) by 2010.
It is based upon the need to meet and simultaneously address issues of child survival, maternal health, and contraception, while increasing outreach and coverage of a comprehensive package of reproductive and child health services by government, industry and the voluntary non-government sector working in partnership.
Highlights on National Population Policy, 2000 of India!
The National Population Policy (NPP) 2000 provides a policy framework of achieving goals and prioritizing strategies during the next decade to meet the reproductive and child health needs of the people of India along with the target to achieve the net replacement levels (Total Fertility Rate). It aims at stable population by 2046.
The following national socio-demographic goals were formulated to be achieved by 2010:
1. To address the unmet needs for basic reproduction (contraception), child health services, supplies and infrastructure (health personnel).
2. To make school education up to age 14 free and compulsory and reduce dropouts at primary and secondary school levels to below 20 per cent for both boys and girls.
3. To reduce infant mortality rate to below 30 per 1,000 live births.
4. To reduce maternal mortality rate to below 100 per 100,000 live births.
5. To achieve universal immunization of children against all vaccine preventable diseases.
6. To promote delayed marriages for girls, not earlier than age 18 and preferably after 20 years of age.
7. To achieve universal access to information/counseling, and services for fertility regulation and contraception with a wide basket of choices.
8. To achieve 80 per cent institutional deliveries and 100 per cent deliveries by trained persons.
9. To achieve 100 per cent registration of births, deaths, marriages and pregnancies.
10. To prevent and control communicable diseases, especially AIDS and sexually transmitted infections (STIs).
11. To promote vigorously the small family norm.
12. To integrate Indian Systems of Medicine (ISM) in the provision of repro­ductive and child health services, and in reaching out to households.
It is to be noted that like China, a coerced population control policy of one child only has not been accepted in India. It has been kept totally voluntary. For achieving the goals of family welfare programme, accredited social health activists have been appointed.
The policy document hoped that if NPP 2000 was fully implemented, India’s population in 2010 would be 1,107 million. In other words, the absolute population would be lower by over 55 million if TFR is brought down to replacement level by 2010.
The document stated a special strategic theme for underserved population—slum population, tribal communities, displaced migrant population and adolescents. Not only this, NPP 2000 had identified a separate strategic theme for the aged persons for their health care and support.
Ironically enough, the family planning (new welfare) programme failed to deliver desired results at least till recently. Much of the failure, as is generally suggested, can be attributed to a deep-rooted attitude of preference for a male child and also ignorance of the rural masses about the birth control techniques. Despite all efforts, there is little evidence of our capacity to arrest population explosion. An estimate suggests that about 8,000 persons are added to it every day.
According to the Human Development Report (2011), India ranks a low 134 position among 187 countries in terms of HDI. The HDI ranking is a combined measure of long and healthy life (expectation of life), education and standard of living.


TRIBAL POLICY IN INDIA

TRIBAL POLICY IN INDIA

Approaches to tribal development in India are based on three models, to conserve, assimilate and integrate.
Tribal
Image Courtesy : egr.msu.edu/~radcliff/Amazon_Adventure/4-Ceiba/Big/DSC00637.JPG
First, there was a school of thought which favoured isolation. Hutton, who was a Commissioner for Census of 1931, gave a solution to the tribal problems of uncontrolled acculturation. He suggested the creation of self-governing tribal areas with free power of self-determination.
Earlier Verrier Elwin suggested the creation of’ National Parks” where the tribal people could live safely without being victims of what Elwin calls an” “over-hasty and unregulated process of belief and civilization”. But later on Elwin discarded the idea of a national park. Both Hutton and Elwin were severely criticised for recommending this policy of isolation which was looked upon as a proposal to create a museum or zoo, instead of helping the tribal people to utilise the resources of modern knowledge and improve their condition of life.
Second, there is another school which favoured assimilation. According to G.S. Ghurye, the tribals are backward Hindus and they should be completely assimilated into Hindu culture. D.N. Majumdar has put forward a philosophy and programme of tribal welfare. He says that it is not possible to ignore the entire .tribal population and leave them to their own lot. It is not also possible to completely assimilate them in the Hindu culture.
Therefore, a gradual transformation of the tribal population is the best policy. We should try to help them in assimilating in their own way of life the elements of alien culture which they readily accept. This view was also supported by social reformers and voluntary organisations.
The Christian missionaries and some social reformers like Thakkar Bapa have recommended and have worked for the assimilation of these tribal groups either into Christianity or into Hinduism.
The third view, which is followed in the recent years, is that of integration. The policy of integration, as against isolation and assimilation, was laid down in five principles by Nehru in 1957 in forwarding to Verrier Elwin’s the philosophy for NEFA.
The tribal ‘Panchasheel’ as enunciated by him are as follows:
(1) People should develop along the lines of their own genius and we should avoid imposing anything on them. We should try to encourage in every way their traditional art and culture.
(2) Tribal rights in land and forests should be respected.
(3) We should try to train and build up a team of their own people for the work of administration and development. Some technical personnel from outside will, no doubt be needed especially in the beginning. But we should avoid introducing too many outsiders into tribal territory.
(4) We should not over-administer these areas or overwhelm them with a multiplicity of schemes. We should rather work through and not in rivalry to their own social and cultural institutions.
(5) We should judge results not by statistics or the amount of money spent but by the quality of human character that is evolved.
To conclude, the policy of isolation was neither possible nor desirable. Assimilation as advocated by some was not accepted because it would mean imposition. Only therefore, the policy accepted which would make available to the tribes the benefits of modern society and yet retain their separate identity is integration. However, the process of assimilation is bound to continue as some of the tribal groups are adopting Hindu customs because of their association with the village people. Others have been converted to Christianity.

Sunday, October 5, 2014

RELIGION VS SPIRITUALITY

RELIGION VS SPIRITUALITY

Historically, the words religious and spiritual have been used synonymously to describe all the various aspects of the concept of religion. Gradually, the word spiritual came to be associated with the private realm of thought and experience while the word religious came to be connected with the public realm of membership in a religious institution with official denominational doctrines.
In the field of psychology, spirituality has emerged as a distinct social construct and focus of research since the 1980s. With the emergence of spirituality as a distinct concept from religion in both academic circles and common language, a tension has arisen between the two constructs. One possible differentiation among the three constructs religion,religiosity, and spirituality, is to view religion as primarily a social phenomenon while understanding spirituality on an individual level. Religiosity is generally viewed as being rooted in religion, whereas this is not necessarily the case for spirituality. A study of the differences between those self-identified as spiritual and those self-identified as religious found that the former have a loving, forgiving, and nonjudgmental view about religion, while those identifying themselves as religious see their god as more judgmental.
    Among other factors, declining membership of organized religions and the growth of secularism in the western world have given rise to this broader view of spirituality. The term "spiritual" is now frequently used in contexts in which the term "religious" was formerly employed.