SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER

SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER

Identity often appear to be ‘natural’ – something man is born with. But the fact is that identities are socially constructed through cultural practices and socialization. Take, for instance, what is often being regarded as innate/given, something rooted in biology itself-one’s gender identity. Thanks to cultural anthropologists and sociologists, we now know that gender is not sex, and the process of growing up as ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ is essentially a cultural construct. Yes, one is born as a male or a female. But this biological facticity is transformed into an attitude, a belief, an ideal through family socialization, school curriculum and religious beliefs, and eventually one acquires a ‘masculine’ or a ‘feminine’ identity. In fact, I am tempted to refer to Leela Dube’s brilliant work, the way ‘by focusing on aspects of the process of socialization of Hindu girls through rituals and ceremonies, the use of language, and practices within and in relation to the family’, she shows how women are produced as ‘gendered subjects’ (Dube, 2001:87-118). As girls grow up in patrilineal India they realize that male children are privileged, and they are repeatedly reminded of their temporary membership in the natal family. The rituals/ceremonies like Durga puja and Gauri puja convey a significant message that they are destined to be transferred from the natal home to that of the husband. For instance, in a Bengali wedding before leaving her natal home with the bridegroom, the bride stands with her back towards the house and throws a handful of rice over the shoulder. This, argues Dube, signifies that a woman has returned the rice that she had consumed until then and has absolved herself of the debt to the natal family. Not solely that. The ‘purity’ of the prepubertal stage is reaffirmed by the custom of worshipping and the special ritual of feeding virgin girls on special occasions like navaratri. No wonder, the onset of puberty is a turning point. She is reminded that her time has finally come; she has grown big, and become a woman. In Karnataka, for instance, at her first menstruation, a girl is fed dry coconut, milk, ghee, certain fruits, a mixture of jaggery and sesame seeds. Moreover, it is customary for the relatives to bring gifts. The story goes on. Women grow up with blessings and vratas for getting a husband like Shiva and Vishnu. In fact, these practices constitute ‘femininity’; a woman is led to internalize the ‘feminine’ ideal of a polite being with considerable degree of tolerance and self restraint:

            A girl should walk with soft steps – so soft that they are barely audible to others. Taking long strides denotes masculinity. Girls are often rebuked for jumping, running, rushing to a place, and hopping. These movements are considered indicative of masculine behavior unbecoming of a female…A girl has to be  careful about her posture. She should not sit crosslegged or with her legs wide apart. Keeping one’s knees close together while sitting, standing, or sleeping is ‘decent’ and indicates a sense of shame and modesty. ‘Don’t stand like a man’ is a common rebuke to make a girl aware of the demands of femininity (*Ibid: 105). This is the way, Dube adds, a woman is made, She is not expected to be ambitious, aggressive and demanding. The quality of self-denial defines her. If a girl continues to cry and shout for food because she is hungry, she is teased about her lack of self-restraint. She must internalize the ideal of Annapurna: the unfailing supplier of food. ‘This ideal, which has an aesthetic appeal and which sets out privation and sacrifice as defining characteristics of the feminine moral character generates a set of dispositions wherein a woman has to think of others before herself and ought not to care about what is being left for her’ (Ibid:111-12).